📝 SummarXiv

Abstract

A central question in psycholinguistics is the timing of syntax in sentence processing. Much of the existing evidence comes from violation paradigms, which conflate two separable processes - syntactic category detection and phrase structure construction - and implicitly assume that phrase structure follows category detection. In this study, we use co-registered EEG and eye-tracking data from the ZuCo corpus to disentangle these processes and test their temporal order under naturalistic reading conditions. Analyses of gaze transitions showed that readers preferentially moved between syntactic heads, suggesting that phrase structures, rather than serial word order, organize scanpaths. Bayesian network modeling further revealed that structural depth was the strongest driver of deviations from linear reading, outweighing lexical familiarity and surprisal. Finally, fixation-related potentials demonstrated that syntactic surprisal influences neural activity before word onset (-184 to -10 ms) and during early integration (48 to 300 ms). These findings extend current models of syntactic timing by showing that phrase structure construction can precede category detection and dominate lexical influences, supporting a predictive "tree-scaffolding" account of comprehension.